Could Trinidad and Tobago continue to spend money on make work programmes? The answer is certainly no.
But should it continue to spend on paying people who do not have a legitimate job, while others try to get in to do little or nothing at the expense of the private sector? The answer is also no.
There exist a core belief that after slavery was abolished and we attained independence, the treasury was there for the picking. Real development took a back seat and the private sector which once dominated the economy was frustrated by Nationalism and the creation of a state hegemony and monopolies or duopolies.
The inefficient state then became the developer, investor, and employer of absolute resort, with the private sector becoming a step child or a left over from colonialism.
As Lennox Grant so appropriately put it some years ago, "Nationalism was a rubric for black power" and as such, was a code for ethnic imbalance or partial redistribution through the state.
There exist a core belief that after slavery was abolished and we attained independence, the treasury was there for the picking. Real development took a back seat and the private sector which once dominated the economy was frustrated by Nationalism and the creation of a state hegemony and monopolies or duopolies.
The inefficient state then became the developer, investor, and employer of absolute resort, with the private sector becoming a step child or a left over from colonialism.
As Lennox Grant so appropriately put it some years ago, "Nationalism was a rubric for black power" and as such, was a code for ethnic imbalance or partial redistribution through the state.
Trade Unions formed against the background of a fierce afro creole culture fostered in the oil fields became the vehicle trough which the 'Port" would agitate for state transfers and make work initiatives, aimed clearly at appeasing and permanently under developing a significant sector of the population.
These are cold hard facts, and the major source of the problem. My grandfather candidly explained to me as a child that Trinidad and Tobago like many other places after colonialism suffered from its suden departure, as there was inadequate planning to transfer power properly to the people.
He said that the father had three children, one was a businessman, the other a farmer, and the other a worker. He explained that the state is divided into three segments in Trinidad.
In our case, the Indians represented the farmer, the Africans represented the labourer and the French Creoles and Arabs represented the businessman.
My grandfather said before the father died he decided to distribute his wealth. In doing so, he gave the great house of the estate or the government to the Africans, the land to the Indians and the businesses to the son who was the entrepreneur.
Those who owned and planted the land always wanted to live in the great house also, and so, a life long battle ensued. Those with the house, which is all they had, constantly were battling to keep the roof over their heads, while those with the land, were, and are still fighting to get in and covet what they deem the great prize.
This story holds to true to this day in Trinidad and Tobago, and it is the source of all our present problems. Many of the Union officials refuse to accept or understand that the country is going to hell in a basket.
However, they are clearly focused on extracting their pound of flesh, even if the person dies. It seems that unions have become uncaring and stoically resolved that nothing shall move them from their goal, as what underpins their fight is not necessarily just 5% or 10% wage increases.
They certainly will not baulk at any other suggestion no matter how logical that the state can ill afford to pay their demands.
These are cold hard facts, and the major source of the problem. My grandfather candidly explained to me as a child that Trinidad and Tobago like many other places after colonialism suffered from its suden departure, as there was inadequate planning to transfer power properly to the people.
He said that the father had three children, one was a businessman, the other a farmer, and the other a worker. He explained that the state is divided into three segments in Trinidad.
In our case, the Indians represented the farmer, the Africans represented the labourer and the French Creoles and Arabs represented the businessman.
My grandfather said before the father died he decided to distribute his wealth. In doing so, he gave the great house of the estate or the government to the Africans, the land to the Indians and the businesses to the son who was the entrepreneur.
Those who owned and planted the land always wanted to live in the great house also, and so, a life long battle ensued. Those with the house, which is all they had, constantly were battling to keep the roof over their heads, while those with the land, were, and are still fighting to get in and covet what they deem the great prize.
This story holds to true to this day in Trinidad and Tobago, and it is the source of all our present problems. Many of the Union officials refuse to accept or understand that the country is going to hell in a basket.
However, they are clearly focused on extracting their pound of flesh, even if the person dies. It seems that unions have become uncaring and stoically resolved that nothing shall move them from their goal, as what underpins their fight is not necessarily just 5% or 10% wage increases.
They certainly will not baulk at any other suggestion no matter how logical that the state can ill afford to pay their demands.
Unions are just another manifestation of those fighting to keep the house, and in the particular dispensation where it is perceived that the land or farmers and business are united, the country is set to become a major battle ground for the ultimate prize, which happens to still be the Government or the House of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago.
(Reproduced from the online discussion group Team TNT)
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