The reality is that this has been the seminal contribution of the COP to changing the way in which politics has been practised in this country and it opened a new door to understanding how to capture political power as a small party by using the coalition method as opposed to seeking hegemony.
The political psyche of this country has long been dominated by political parties that sought to emulate the PNM in the way that they tried to capture power. That method failed for many as the dominance of the PNM was secured against the philosophy of a party that sought no allies and needed none in order to succeed.
The political psyche of this country has long been dominated by political parties that sought to emulate the PNM in the way that they tried to capture power. That method failed for many as the dominance of the PNM was secured against the philosophy of a party that sought no allies and needed none in order to succeed.
The main attempt to challenge the PNM by forces opposed to it that had any success was the National Alliance for Reconstruction (NAR). However, the method that was used was the philosophy of “a party of parties.” The inherent danger in that method was that one size had to fit all and it soon became clear, after they had captured power, that the glove into which the hand was trying to fit began to burst in various parts.
It did burst and the United National Congress (UNC) was formed out of it. One does not hear much about the NAR today. The UNC was able to use the coalition method to capture power in 1995 but that eventually fell apart with the NAR and the coalition method was only advanced during the Crown Plaza Accord discussions following the 2001 general election.
It did burst and the United National Congress (UNC) was formed out of it. One does not hear much about the NAR today. The UNC was able to use the coalition method to capture power in 1995 but that eventually fell apart with the NAR and the coalition method was only advanced during the Crown Plaza Accord discussions following the 2001 general election.
It is in the Crown Plaza Accord between the UNC and the PNM that we can get an insight into the guiding philosophies about power between the two parties. The UNC offered to share power under the 18-18 tie scenario, while the PNM made it clear that they would not share Executive power, but rather would entertain sharing power in the Legislature.
This clear distinction meant that ministerial portfolios in the Executive branch were not to be shared by the PNM, but rather positions such as Deputy Speaker, etc, in the Legislature could be the subject of power-sharing. Needless to say, the deal collapsed once President Robinson made his decision and took sides with the PNM.
This clear distinction meant that ministerial portfolios in the Executive branch were not to be shared by the PNM, but rather positions such as Deputy Speaker, etc, in the Legislature could be the subject of power-sharing. Needless to say, the deal collapsed once President Robinson made his decision and took sides with the PNM.
The UNC spent a decade in opposition and along the way it fractured and the COP emerged out of it as the then political leader of the UNC, Winston Dookeran, resigned and formed the COP. The philosophy of “new politics” was advocated and many in the society questioned what was “new” about “new politics”.
Winston Dookeran had great difficulty being able to communicate his message of “new politics” and he and the COP suffered through the defeat of 2007 as they tried to emerge as a third force on the political landscape and failed. However, in that failure lay the seeds of a new political approach for a coalition.
Winston Dookeran had great difficulty being able to communicate his message of “new politics” and he and the COP suffered through the defeat of 2007 as they tried to emerge as a third force on the political landscape and failed. However, in that failure lay the seeds of a new political approach for a coalition.
In the same way that the failure of the Organisation for National Reconstruction (ONR) in 1981 led to the creation of the NAR in 1985, the failure of the COP was to lead to the formation of the People’s Partnership in 2010.
The model was different this time as parties in the Partnership were not forced into a single entity, but rather remained separate. Seat allocation was agreed and the risk of coalition was sold to the population as a partnership that would last.
That was “new politics.” Trinidad and Tobago had never been presented with the phenomenon of what the political scientist Arend Lijphart has called an “oversized coalition.” With the UNC not requiring coalition partners to be in power after the general election of 2010, the use of the coalition method has led to power-sharing among the partnership as opposed to hegemony by one.
That was “new politics.” Trinidad and Tobago had never been presented with the phenomenon of what the political scientist Arend Lijphart has called an “oversized coalition.” With the UNC not requiring coalition partners to be in power after the general election of 2010, the use of the coalition method has led to power-sharing among the partnership as opposed to hegemony by one.
The use of two-party lenses to analyse what has happened here will severely constrain the analysis because it is a coalition whose political psychology reaches far beyond the confines of single-party dominance.
COP voters in UNC or TOP constituencies who would normally be in a minority now add to the UNC majority there. Similarly, UNC or TOP supporters who live in COP constituencies who would normally be in a minority would add to the COP majority there and so on.
The philosophy of partnership has removed the sense of hopelessness for supporters of other parties by using the coalition and partnership method to mobilise supporters of other parties (including disenchanted PNM supporters) to vote for the partnership wherever such a candidate is placed regardless of party symbol.
That “new politics” approach has unlocked a sleeping giant of political energy that turned former political enemies in the form of the UNC and the COP into partners who both embrace the TOP. It must be noted that new leadership in the UNC after January 2010 made the UNC embrace possible as the COP arms were already outstretched.
The above column by Dr Hamid Ghany has been reproduced from the SUNDAY GUARDIAN with the permission of the author
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