Independence in the Anglo-Caribbean island states was achieved against the background of what was taking place at the time in Ghana, Nigeria and Tanzania. There was then widespread concern that democracy would not survive in tropical environments. What has been the experience? The English speaking Caribbean is generally regarded as a region in which liberal democracy Westminster style has worked. It is also viewed as one where such democracy as once existed is fragile and non sustainable.
If one were to make comparisons with what is currently taking place in places like Kenya, Pakistan and indeed most of the countries in the new commonwealth, the democratic experiment in Anglo-Caribbean states would have to be adjudged a stunning success. Foreign scholars who have looked comparatively at the record have deemed it extraordinary.While these encomiums are perhaps deserved, a closer look would lead one to conclude that the basic values that kept Caribbean democracy on track are being eroded, and that the supporting institutions are at risk.
Particular attention has been directed to political parties, parliament and the justice system. One of the main challenges which Caribbean states now face is the need to source money to finance the operational as well as election related expenses of political parties at a time when public opinion is deeply distrustful and cynical about parties and their leaders. Research has shown that only a minority support state funding either fully or in part. The general feeling is that Caribbean states do not have the capacity to monitor and audit election expenditure, and that the funds, if given, would not serve to reduce election related corruption.
There is however concern that much too much money is spent on the carnival type campaigns that have become a feature of Caribbean elections, which on a per capita basis, rivals what is spent in metropolitan jurisdictions.There is also concern that small parties have no chance of getting a toe hold in parliament, given the fact elections are conducted on a first- past- the- post system.
This of course raises questions as to where the funds have come from in the past and where they will come from in the future. There is concern across the region that absent state funding, the political systems have become prisoner to political entrepreneurs, with or without narco-traffic connections, and/or governments such as Japan or Taiwan which are prepared to buy diplomatic support or deny it to others. Although it is difficult to document reports that illegal or dirty money is used to fund elections,they are not without some foundation.
The problem is compounded by the crime problem generally and the growth of gangs in particular, which threaten to subvert and overwhelm every Caribbean state. Rates of gang related homicides are unacceptably high, and crime has become one of the most important wedge issues in electoral campaigns leading to party turnover. Crime in fact destabilises the political and justice systems of many Caribbean states, and there is agonised concern at the highest levels that Caribbean states are in a state of pre-collapse.
The justice systems in some islands are in fact collapsing under the weight of runaway criminality. Criminals have taken to murdering anyone, including police officials, who dare to serve as eyewitnesses to crimes. The fact of smallness also serves to aggravate the perception that danger lurks every where. Levels of crime that are barely visible in a large state give rise to panic and fear a micro state. There is no place to hide.
The phenomenon of the "elective monarchy" which has been in evidence almost everywhere, also assumes great significance in the microstates of the Caribbean, none of which have free floating assets or the critical mass required to support institutions which could successfully challenge the executive. As one Prime Minister put it, "things fall apart: the centre is too strong." Parliamentary institutions in all the islands are weak, overburdened, and under-resourced. Given their small size, there are few government backbenchers to serve on parliamentary committee. Governments are understandably uncomfortable with committees which are chaired by opposition MPs who do not merely scrutinise policy, but regard the committees as kingdoms or powerbases for opposition politics.Civil society, like the media,which are expected to perform scrutinising functions are tribalised and partisan and not seen as legitimate sources of information.
Globalisation has likewise served to enlarge the "democratic deficit" that characterises Caribbean states. The complaint is that important agreements are often entered into without them having been vetted by the public at large or even by elected representatives. The most recent instance of this is the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) which was finalised last December between CARIFORUM and the European Union.Some citizen groups have complained that the general public was not adequately consulted on the matter. Other examples could be given.
Pessimists complain that Caribbean states are collapsing under the combined onslaught of pressures coming from the global economy, the drug trade, American generated televised popular culture, the activities deportees and home grown criminals, as well as the various other factors which have leached the stock of good social capital that was inherited at independence.
Optimists however claim that the region is in dynamic and in creative transition, and that the destruction which we are witnessing is the detritus that accompanies new birth. Others argue that if one looks at what is taking place in the realm of economic governance conjointly with what is taking place in the sphere of political governance, there is no justification whatever for optimism. All is lost. My own pessimism is not unrelieved.
This article by political scientist Dr Selwyn Ryan was delivered on Tuesday, March 18, to a Workshop entitled, Reflections on Independence; British Policy in the Caribbean for the 21st Century, held at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, London, UK.
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